Jours dépreuve Moeurs bourgeoises (French Edition)

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Dear Zoo Rod Campbell. Veg Jamie Oliver. In his view, Lamartine, now out of office, had done no more than repeat the Girondist strategy of calling in provincial France to hold the line against the revolutionary political clubs of Paris. In fact, the Revolution was now bound on a course leading to destruction of the Republic.

Mill followed events distantly.

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He knew that Marrast was no longer at the National, had left the Government, and was Mayor of Paris he was also the real leader of the majority in the Executive Commission. Mill could have no knowledge of the extraordinary political manoeuvrings in Paris. Alarmed by the numbers of unemployed men in the city, the government announced its intention of closing the ateliers nationaux. With that, a spontaneous working-class insurrection was mounted against it, on June.

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The pitched battles that took place made it the bloodiest fratricidal rising the capital had known. The government was legitimately defending itself, but the repression was severe and the social fears unleashed were exaggerated.


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Within days, this rough prophecy began to be borne out. In the immediate aftermath of the June Days, Marrast led the attack on him: he was indicted in the prevailing reaction that had developed steadily following the conservative results of the general election for a Constituent Assembly on 23 April. Rather than stand trial in the unpromising climate of opinion, he slipped away and was permitted to take the Edition: current; Page: [ lxxxviii ] train to Ghent; he was arrested there briefly, and then at once crossed over to England.

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Mill, without the possibility of knowing in detail what had happened during the months since February, considered Blanc and the other former ministers to be exemplary tribunes. But it was too late for them. In the election for the presidency of the Republic that December, Lamartine was swept aside, the radical candidates trailed distantly, and even Cavaignac was handily defeated by Louis Napoleon Bonaparte.

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The great mass of the electorate, peasants, voted against the republicans they blamed for disregarding their grievances and increasing their taxes; they voted for a legendary name, as did much of the urban population and a majority of the political notables. The Lamartine government had done the best they could in the situation with which they had been confronted.

His analysis was political; he showed no strong sense of the social dimensions of the upheaval. If there were errors, they were committed less by the government than by the political clubs. Mill knew little of the intrigues about the ateliers nationaux, which he defended, as he cleared Blanc of responsibility for their closing. Once again, his point was that the experiment had been made before adequate preparation could take place.

His answer was that, ready or not for the Republic, France had to attempt the experiment. He thought universal suffrage had, if anything, returned too conservative a majority. This, of course, Louis Napoleon had not been. But he perceived the great rural and urban problems dimly; his concern was with representative government.

Continental socialism had thrust itself on his attention late in the day: he had been ambivalent about Fourier and hostile to Proudhon, he knew little of Cabet and Blanc until Carrel had been tempted by Bonapartism; Mill never was. Not least, Mill did not see that the tremendous power of the liberal press, durable and resilient, had almost come to an end. He did not understand what it meant that the National had become the unofficial newspaper of the Provisional Government: that men like Marrast had become part of the new establishment. He was disturbed by the repression of the opposition journals, but did not fully grasp that universal suffrage had swept the petite and moyenne bourgeoisies aside.

He did not see what it meant that Bonaparte had been elected President against the majority of the press, that the extraordinary force it had been ever since was finished. The constitution of 4 November, , was the most democratic France had ever had, with universal manhood suffrage, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of petition. Even the droit au travail was alluded to in the preamble. But Cavaignac, for one, doubted that the country was republican, and the election of Louis Napoleon suggested he was Edition: current; Page: [ xci ] right. The Revolution of faded into the past.

So tyranny once more settled on the country. The young French historians who boldly celebrated the Revolution as prologue to the apparent triumph of liberalism forty or so years later, or who explained the present as the outcome of the liberal impulse working its way through the centuries, he acclaimed as the best of the time. The French scene was animated, Edition: current; Page: [ xcii ] creative, disputatious, sometimes explosive, but always instructive.

It was his self-imposed task to try to make Englishmen see through the haze of their insularities and prejudices the essential lessons that France offered to all who shared in the common civilization.

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